Indefinites

Tsi marks indefinite, specific constituents optionally with a preposed mte~mde (inanimate) or mre~mạr (animate). These typically appear in the postverbal space. Consider the following examples:

(1a) nzu bà mte hạnzu
write IN.PRF INDF letter
he wrote (will write) a (specific) letter
he wrote (will write) some (specific) letters

(1b) nzu tsą mte hạnzu
write AN.IMP INDF letter
he was (is, will be) writing a (specific) letter
he was (is, will be) writing some (specific) letters

Although (1a) (as discussed above in the TAM section) is unambiguously specific because it is perfective, without mte (1b) could also be read as generic. mte marks the letter(s) as discourse-relevant ('specific'). Note that although this form is clearly etymologically identical with the postposed numeral mte, it is not restricted to singular constituents, as implied by the plural readings given above.

The plural suffixes -odʰę and rą also force a specific interpretation onto a newly introduced noun. Note that they too can freely co-occur with the indefinite. Compare the following sentences:

(2a) Ya-dgo tsa mte quuŋ-odʰę
round-mix AN.IMP INDF mud-PL
He mixes some mud
He's mixing some mud

(2b) Ya-dgo tsa quuŋ
round-mix AN.IMP mud
He mixes mud
He's mixing mud

(2c) Ya-quuŋ dgo tsa
round-mud mix AN.IMP
He mixes mud
He's mixing mud

The difference between (2a) and the other two sentences is that in (2a) the mud is specific and probably discourse-relevant. In the other two cases it may be background information or generic. We might propose a hierarchy of backgroundness/genericness from (2a) to (2c), but the exact difference between (2b) and (2c) in most cases is not clear. In any case, this distinction - if it does exist - is largely restricted to direct objects.


Definiteness and contrast in direct objects

The above post discussing indefinites and generics noted that indefinites appear in postverbal position. Definites, on the other hand, can appear in either the postverbal or the preverbal ('incorporated') position. There is little semantic distinction between the following two sentences, although 1b shows incorporation of the object into the verbal complex, while 1a has it in the postverbal position. Both can be read as either definite or generic depending on context, and both are very common, with incorporation perhaps slightly more frequent especially as discourse draws on.

(1a) Ya-dgo tsa quuŋ
round-mix AN.IMP mud
He mixes (the) mud

(1b) Ya-qquuŋ dgo tsa
round-mud mix AN.IMP
He mixes (the) mud

A third, albeit more colloquial variant also exists, with the shift of the directional prefix rightwards out of the verb complex to attach to a definite object in the postverbal position. This mainly occurs with the more common directional prefixes and is not acceptable with all prefix-verb combinations:

(1c) Dgo tsa ya-qquuŋ
mix AN.IMP round-mud
He mixes (the) mud

Although there is little semantic difference between these three variants as given above, 1b and 1c (which both display incorporation or genericisation of the noun) do not permit any modification of the noun. This is not the case for 1a - a definite object in postverbal position can be modified by adjectives, take plural and honorific marking, etc etc. Compare 2a and 2b - the latter has full incorporation, whereas the former

2a) kǂay-kǂay tsa lʰod srobhạ-tʰ
dance-IT IMP.AN around tent-HON-PL
They are dancing around the tents

2b) srob kǂay-kǂay tsa lʰod
tent dance-IT IMP.AN around
They are dancing around the tent(s)

Only a postposed definite object can be contrastive (in which case it appears with the demonstrative clitic):

2c) kǂay-kǂay tsa lʰod srobhạ-tʰ-rų
dance-IT IMP.AN around tent-HON-PL-DEM
They are dancing around the tents

3a) kahạ-yè džihạ Tsààd-tʰo?
man-HON-which come_from-HON Tsat-DST
Which men came from Tsat?

2c shows incorporation of a locative argument promoted to direct object by the addition of a locative verb. Note that proper nouns can be incorporated, as can substantivised adjectives:

3b) kahạ-yè Tsààd džihạ?
man-HON-which Tsat come_from-HON
Which men came from Tsat?

4) šo-kǂòd k|ʰòò bà
down=red pour IN.PRF
He poured out the red [water]

Note, however, that only one object can be incorporated into the verbal complex. Where a verb has more than one definite direct object, the choice of which to incorporate is typically conditioned by the relative establishedness of the different nouns in discourse. Both of the latter are possible:

5a) to-kǂòd k|ʰòò bà dù sạạq
up=red pour IN.PRF into jug
He poured the red [water] into the jug

5b) to-ssạạq k|ʰòò bà dù kǂòd
up=jug pour IN.PRF into red
He poured the red [water] into the jug